Friday, May 17, 2019

No one can prove when life begins, which makes it a matter of faith, which means government can’t interfere with a woman’s right to an abortion

By Marc Jampole

The current wave of anti-choice legislation passed in Alabama, Georgia, Ohio and elsewhere fills me with a deep sadness for the many victims whom these benighted laws will create. Women who will die or be severely injured in back alley abortions. Men and women whose lives will be made infinitely more difficult or unhappy because they have to raise children they don’t want, can’t afford or are unprepared for. Most of all, my heart breaks for the children of unwanted pregnancies, often born in poverty or with disabilities or raised by parents who didn’t really want them.

The unholy irony of these new laws is that they are passed by elected officials who typically also campaign for cutting food stamps, aid to education, health care for the poor and other programs that help children once they are born.

Like many conservative positions, the extreme anti-choice line is faith based. But there’s a big difference between the rightwing view on abortion and its position on other issues such as immigration and government regulation: we can explode the myths that underlie most of contemporary conservatism with facts, but pro-choicers base their position as much on faith as anti-choicers do.

Facts and analysis disprove virtually all of the rightwing’s assertions. Experts—by which I mean scientists, engineers, economists, sociologists and other researchers not paid by industry—have demonstrated that virtually all the premises supporting the GOP platform run counter to reality.

Some examples: Global warming is occurring and much of it is manmade; its effects will do more harm than good.

Lowering taxes on the wealthy does not create jobs, whereas raising them usually does.

Immigrants lower the unemployment rate and raise the salaries of native-born Americans. Crime rates are lower among immigrants—legal or undocumented—than among native born Americans.

Universal medical insurance would lower the overall cost that Americans pay for healthcare.

Increased government regulations do not decrease jobs or economic activity in the overall economy.

Public schools do a better job of educating students than either private schools or privatized charter schools.

Raising the minimum wage has a meager if any impact on employment rates and tends to lead to higher wages up the employment ladder.

The more guns there are in any society, the more gun deaths and injuries occur.

I could go on and on, but I think you get the point, dear readers.  Research exists that in short order destroys virtually all of 21st century conservatism.

The exception is abortion, for one simple reason: No one really knows when life begins. All we can determine is the point in fetal development when life is viable—able to sustain itself outside the womb. Even that premise is open to some question, as an infant can’t live without the help of adults to feed, shelter and protect it. Common sense would conclude that a newborn is not truly viable. In the 18th and 19th centuries, infanticide was a primary means of birth control in many cultures, including our own.  

I personally believe that a woman should control her own body and therefore should have the right to decide whether to terminate a pregnancy. But I am also painfully aware that this argument doesn’t really hold muster under close scrutiny. Society often interferes with an individual’s control of its own body. We consider people who mutilate themselves to be emotionally unstable and in need of psychological treatment (unless society approves the mutilation, as with tattoos and or non-corrective cosmetic surgery). We have laws against assisted suicide. Drug laws interfere with the right of women and men to control their own body. We force children to attend school until a certain age. We throw in jail people who sell their bodies or use them as lethal weapons. Society therefore often constrains the bodies of people and could theoretically prevent women from having abortions.

The problem is that no one can say for certain when life begins. At conception?  At a mother’s recognition of the pregnancy? At heartbeat? At viability? No one really knows. Of course, we as a society could agree to a definition of the beginning of life, or, to put it in the center of the controversy, the point at which the rights of the fetus are as strong as or stronger than the rights of the mother.

But wherever we set the beginning of life is completely arbitrary—a first premise, an axiom in mathematics, a principle from which you argue from and never to.

In other words, a matter of faith.

Setting the point after which an abortion should not be performed for any reason is always a matter of faith, belonging to the realm of religion and not science.

Which is the very reason why American governments on all levels must as a matter of constitutional law allow abortions in virtually all cases. The United States has an absolute separation of state and religion. The titleless aristocracy that founded the country adamantly opposed having a state religion or letting the state interfere with the private practice of religion. The judiciary has reconfirmed the principle of the separation of church and state innumerable times.

Those who oppose all abortion, even in cases of rape or incest, practice one faith. Those who want to abort all fetuses that will develop Down’s syndrome or other terrible ailments practice another faith. I’ll leave it to each reader to decide whose religion is more humane, more caring, and more attuned to the needs of society.

But all must agree that it is never the function of government to get involved in ontological disputes between different faiths. Constitutionally, the government cannot and should not have any position on abortion.

That leaves opponents of a woman’s right to control her own body with the traditional options that religions have in the United States. Advertise and proselytize. Convince pregnant women not to have abortions. Go ahead and tell them that all pregnancies are a blessing, even if the baby is never going to be close to normal. (Just don’t do it with lies such as the false myth that women who have abortions are more likely to get cancer.)

The marketplace of ideas is the proper place to discuss abortion, not the legislative halls or the bureaucracies of the administrative branch of government. Whether these new anti-abortion laws are moral depends on one’s religion, but there can be no disputing that they go against the principles upon which we have built our country.   

Saturday, May 11, 2019

Editorial: Barr’s Trail of Coverups

When the Washington Establishment expressed surprise that new Attorney General William Barr would throw away his reputation as a Justice Department institutionalist by writing a misleading summary of the findings of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation, and giving a Trump-friendly press conference shortly before the report was released, it was as if they were unaware of Barr’s record of stretching the truth in the Justice Department under then-President George H.W. Bush.

In fact, Barr has a history of misleading Congress and the public in service to Republican presidents and officials. When Barr was head of the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), Ryan Goodman noted at the Just Security blog, news leaked on Oct. 13, 1989, that a secret OLC memo concluded that the FBI could forcibly abduct people in other countries without the consent of the foreign state. It appeared to clear the way for US forces abducting Panama’s leader, Gen. Manuel Noriega.

“Members of Congress asked to see the full legal opinion. Barr refused, but said he would provide an account that ‘summarizes the principal conclusions.’ Sound familiar?” wrote Goodman, a law professor at New York University School of Law.

Congress eventually issued a subpoena to wrench the full OLC opinion out of the Justice Department. When the opinion was finally made public in 1993, after Barr left office, it was clear his 13-page summary failed to fully disclose the opinion’s principal conclusions — one of which was that the president could violate the UN Charter because such actions are “fundamentally political questions.” The 1989 opinion ignored the president’s constitutional duty to “take care” that US laws, including ratified treaties, be faithfully executed, Goodman noted. Barr didn’t even tell Congress the memo discussed international law.

Perhaps more notorious was Barr’s role in undermining the Iran-Contra investigation by Independent Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh in 1992. Walsh was appointed independent counsel in 1986 to investigate the exchange of arms for hostages with Iran during Ronald Reagan’s administration and determine if crimes had been committed — and whether the Reagan campaign colluded with Iran in 1980 to hold onto American hostages until after the presidential election, as the then-president of Iran asserted. Walsh was closing in on then-President George H.W. Bush’s role in the scandal.

Barr got his professional start in the CIA in 1973 as a policy analyst and legislative counsel when Bush was director, and Bush appointed Barr to head the OLC in 1989. In May 1990, Barr was promoted to Deputy Attorney General and in August 1991, when then-Attorney General Richard Thornburgh quit to campaign for the Senate, Barr was named attorney general.

As Thom Hartmann noted in a column for the Independent Media Institute in March, Walsh had pursued documents in the possession of Reagan’s former defense secretary, Caspar Weinberger, who evidence showed was in on the deal, and Bush’s diary, which could corroborate it. Elliott Abrams had already been convicted of withholding evidence from Congress, and he may have had even more information, too, if it could be pried out of him. .

Weinberger, trying to avoid jail, was preparing to testify that Bush knew about it and even participated, and Walsh had already demanded that Bush turn over his diary from the campaign.

Conservative columnist William Safire referred to Barr in 1992 as the “Coverup-General,” noting that in another scandal — having to do with Bush selling weapons of mass destruction to Iraq dictator Saddam Hussein — Barr was already covering up for Bush, Weinberger, and others from the Reagan administration.

On October 19, 1992, Safire wrote of Barr’s unwillingness to appoint an independent counsel to look into “Iraqgate”:

“Why does the Coverup-General resist independent investigation? Because he knows where it may lead: to Dick Thornburgh, James Baker, Clayton Yeutter, Brent Scowcroft and himself [the people who organized the sale of WMD to Saddam]. He vainly hopes to be able to head it off, or at least be able to use the threat of firing to negotiate a deal.”

Two months later, with Bill Clinton preparing to move into the White House, Barr advised Bush to pardon Weinberger and five others, including Abrams, which Bush did on Christmas Eve, 1992.

The New York Times reported, “Mr. Walsh bitterly condemned the President’s action, charging that ‘the Iran-contra cover-up, which has continued for more than six years, has now been completed.’”

Independent Counsel Walsh added that the diary and notes he wanted to enter into a public trial of Weinberger represented “evidence of a conspiracy among the highest ranking Reagan Administration officials to lie to Congress and the American public.”

Now, by cherry-picking Mueller’s report, handing Trump the talking points he needed to claim he was cleared, and refusing to hand over an unredacted Mueller report on the evidence against Trump or to testify before the House Judiciary Committee, and interfering with the House’s efforts to conduct its own investigation, Barr may have done it again.

After Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s report was made public, Trump said the efforts by law enforcement to investigate influence by Russia on the 2016 election were evidence of an attempted coup.

For example, he told Sean Hannity of Fox News April 25: “This was a coup. This was an attempted overthrow of the United States government. ... I think it’s far bigger than Watergate. I think it’s possibly the biggest scandal in political history in this country. Maybe beyond political. … This was a coup. This wasn’t stealing information from an office in the Watergate apartments. This was an attempted coup.”

PolitiFact, the independent fact-checking organization, noted April 29 that, according to Mueller’s report, the triggering event for the FBI opening a counterintelligence investigation into links between the Trump campaign and the Russian government was an April 2016 meeting between Trump’s campaign adviser George Papadopoulos and a source who said Russian government officials could offer “dirt” on Clinton in the form of “thousands of emails.”

PolitiFact ruled that Trump’s claim the investigation was part of an attempted coup was a “pants on
fire” lie. “The Russia investigation stemmed from a by-the-rules law enforcement inquiry. That’s far different than a coup, for which the defining characteristic is that it occurs outside the legal system. It’s also worth noting that the original investigation began before Trump had even been sworn in, meaning he wasn’t even eligible to be deposed by a coup.”

But by insisting that Mueller and the Democrats were trying to pull off a coup, Trump, as he often does, follows the late Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels’ strategy of accusing opponents of the perfidy that he actually plans. And there is plenty of evidence that Trump is planning his own coup to overthrow democracy.

On May 5, after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told the New York Times she was concerned that Trump would not give up power voluntarily if he lost the election by a slim margin, which Trump could claim was dubious. Later that day, Trump retweeted a demand from Jerry Falwell Jr. that Trump’s term be extended by two years to make up for the two years “stolen” from his presidency by the “corrupt, failed coup” that was Mueller’s investigation.” Trump added, “... they have stolen two years of my (our) Presidency (Collusion Delusion) that we will never be able to get back.”

Democrats need to insist that the Department of Justice and White House cooperate with the House Judiciary inquiry and reassert the checks and balances the Constitution provides. — JMC



From The Progressive Populist, June 1, 2019

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Selections from the June 1, 2019 issue

COVER/David Daley
Democrats just blew it in Wisconsin: Elections are likely to stay rigged in favor of GOP


EDITORIAL
Barr’s trail of coverups


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 

DON ROLLINS
Of opiates and foster homes


RURAL ROUTES/Margot McMillen
Factory farms bring alternative universe crashing on neighbors


DISPATCHES
Trump would have been charged with multiple felonies if he weren’t president, former prosecutors say;
Senate up for grabs in 2020;
Trump breezes past 10,000 lies;
As EPA stalls, 43 states have water sites contaminated with toxic chemicals;
Did workers get 80% of corporate tax benefits? Try 6%;
GOP tax law screwed survivors' benefits for military families;
Inslee rolls out sweeping climate plan, setting new standard for 2020 Dems;
Trump massively raises tariffs against China at expense of US consumers;
US officials assert 'near-unfettered authority' to search phones, mobile devices at border;
Trump officials had 'no way to link' migrant kids they stole from parents, internal emails confirm;
Super-majority of Arab youth in pol say religion too important in public life;
Yemen war is one of the most destructive since the Cold War;
Trump organizations squeeze taxpayers for every last Trump-demanded dime ...


JIM VAN DER POL
Creative destruction in agriculture


ART CULLEN
Planting on hope


JILL RICHARDSON
If you’ve suffered, get help


SAM PIZZIGATI
A plaintive plea from America’s rich: Let’s change the subject!


JOEL D. JOSEPH
China is burying us


LEO GERARD
Dying on the job: Victims of workplace safety abandoned by OSHA


ELLIOT MINCBERG
Confirmed judges, confirmed fears


HAL CROWTHER
When words fail


WENONAH HAUTER
Flint: 5 years later, and our water is more threatened than ever


HEALTH CARE/Joan Retsinas
Balance billing and Emily Dickinson: Springtime optimism


SAM URETSKY
Profits are no reason to run health care


BOOK REVIEW/Heather Seggel
Too much, never enough


WAYNE O’LEARY
Myths about Medicare for All


JOHN BUELL
Equal opportunity for what?


GENE NICHOL
Who NC republicans work for


BOB BURNETT
Five takeaways from the Mueller report


GRASSROOTS/Hank Kalet
The race card


ROB PATTERSON
40 years since Led Zeppelin rearranged my brain


SATIRE/Rosie Sorenson
The one state solution


FILM REVIEW/Ed Rampell
Queen Lears: Four feisty female Democratic ‘insurgents’ challenge congressional status quo


BOOK REVIEW/Seth Sandronsky
Caring for labor


and more ...

Sunday, April 28, 2019

Ever worry that U.S. is becoming a nation of rich & poor, with so much going to so few? Just read Tyler Cowen. He’ll tell you it’s a good thing

By Marc Jampole

Pangloss is a fictional character in Voltaire’s 18th century masterpiece of satire, Candide. When describing the current state of affairs, Pangloss always refers to the status quo as “the best of all possible worlds.” His smug optimism in the face of injustice and tragedy produces much of the mordant humor of Voltaire’s novella. From the start, the reader understands that Pangloss is a suck-up to the establishment—the aristocracy and various churches, whose control over a society of a very few rich and mostly poor was weakening in 18th century Europe as ideas about science and freedom began to disseminate despite a high level of censorship.

While 21st century America enjoys a representational democracy, the economic policies of the past 40 years have re-established an aristocracy-free version of the inequitable society of 18th century Europe, one in which a very few people take an unfairly large percentage of income and wealth. The major reasons for the enormous increase in economic inequality since Ronald Reagan assumed the presidency include the destruction of labor unions, privatization of government functions, enormous tax breaks for the wealthy, large deficits financed by bond purchases by the wealthy, the erosion of the purchasing power of the minimum wage, and the shrinking of government support of education, infrastructure and the social safety net.

As the new regime of economic inequality has stabilized over the past 18 or so years—essentially since the Bush II tax cuts for the wealthy—it has had its share of Panglosses, ready to determine after so-called rigorous analysis that we are living in the best of all possible worlds, that is, as long as the world is based on an unfettered and lightly regulated free market. I think these contemporary Panglosses are okay with uniform weights and measures, but not much else in the way of government interference in the marketplace.

The University of Pangloss is George Mason University, often called Koch University, because of the millions of dollars the ultra-right wing Koch Brothers have given the institution (I hesitate to call it a “school”), virtually all of it earmarked to support development and dissemination of pamphlets and papers (notice I avoid using the word “research”) that advocate lower taxes, less regulation, a fossil-fuel economy and other positions that entrench the current elite as permanent economic and political overlords. In 2018, a lawsuit under the Freedom of Information Act revealed that the Koch Bros and their pals have direct influence over faculty hiring decisions at the university's law and economics schools. No wonder the faculty employees of George Mason (note my refusal to use the word “professors”) always put on the Panglossian happy-face for the current state of affairs and bemoan the possibility of a better way—be it a Green New Deal or an increase in the minimum wage.

If George Mason U is the University of Pangloss, then the ultimate Panglossian—the Poohbah of Pangloss, as it were—must be Tyler Cowen, Herbert L. Harris Chair of Economics at George Mason and author of a number of apologies for Reaganomics, including his recent Big Business: A Love Letter to an American Anti-Hero. Over the years I have chided Cowen for saying that growing inequality of wealth is not a problem,   and that the gig economy is good for workers,  Typically, Cowen’s argument reduces to looking at individual trees that are thriving while ignoring the destruction of whole forests.

The mainstream news media keeps giving Cowen a chance to embarrass himself with effusions of enthusiasm for a very grim and unfair status quo. In the past, he has had articles in the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Foreign Affairs and elsewhere. This time, it’s Time, now a wan specter of its former self, which finds room for an opinion piece by Cowen titled “CEOs Are Not Overpaid.” He asserts that a competitive market determines the current high value of the CEO and that’s a good thing. For Cowen, CEOs of large American corporations averaging $18.9 million in salary a year is the best of all possible worlds.

First the facts. Before the Reagan revolution, American CEOs made 20 to 40 times what their average employee took home. Now, it’s 361 times what the average worker makes, which Cowen conveniently rounds down to 300 for us in the article. Like most Panglossians, Cowen always uses the happiest numbers. In comparison, CEOS in the United Kingdom currently average 22 times what their workers make. It’s 12 times for German CEOs and 15 times for the French. As it turns out, CEO salaries in the United States began to expand obscenely as Congress and corporations instituted the Reagan plan. Lower taxes gave CEOS more incentive to keep more. An inflation-eroded minimum wage and the decline of unions made the corporate pie from which to plunder an unfair piece even larger.

Cowen proclaims that contemporary CEOs must wield many more skills than their predecessors. They can’t just be good at running the business, they also need to have financial, public relations and technology expertise. But Cowen forgets that nowadays CEOs haves many more experts to guide them in their decision-making. Only the very largest corporations had full-time PR departments in the 1950s and virtually none had chief information officers. Plus, it’s hard to understand why the job of American CEOs is so much harder than that of their European counterparts.

The Pangloss Poohbah spends a lot of ink fighting the “common idea that high CEO pay is mainly ripping people off.” His reasoning is so weak as to be laughable. First he says that corporate governance has toughened, implying the new standards make it harder for the CEO to extract unfair salary and bonuses. Huh? All the tougher post-Enron standards mean is that it’s harder for corporations to commit illegal actions; it has nothing to do with how the pie is divided by executives, shareholders and employees. Cowen then states that the fact that CEOs hired from outside the company make more money than insiders proves that the CEOs deserve the extravagant pay they get. Run that by me again? Or how about this polished turd: the fact that only the salaries of CEOs have risen and not of high-tier (middle management) professionals proves CEOs are not overpaid. No, it merely shows that CEOs are screwing workers at all levels. Cowen makes so many of these dubious statements with such assurance—one after another—that the unsuspecting careless reader may buy Cowen’s hooey.

Just as Voltaire’s Pangloss obsequiously drooled out praise for whatever duke or prince was footing the bill, so Tyler Cowen elevates contemporary CEOs to a kind of rare Űbermensch, aristocrats of meritocracy so much more skilled than everyone else that they deserves everything they get, even if it means that most of their workers scrape by or lose ground.

Underneath Cowen’s specious arguments lies the fundamental assumption that the people who have more deserve more. He never contemplates why those who got bucks deserve more now than they did in the 1940’s-1970’s, or why they deserve more than they would get in Europe. Cowen never wonders why an hour running a meeting is worth so much more than an hour sweeping the floor or an hour teaching our children. He never imagines the great good luck a CEO has to be born with the exact skills desired by contemporary society and to get to go to the right schools and meet the right people, usually introduced through a family connection. Cowen never asks these questions, because like Pangloss, he is happy in “this the best of all possible worlds.”

Saturday, April 27, 2019

Me and Joe on the Line

When the vice president came to Tulsa

By BARRY FRIEDMAN 



(Author’s Note: Below is a piece I wrote in late 2015, when then-Vice President Joe Biden came to Tulsa for a fundraiser. I am bringing it up here, primarily, because of the photo, because of the hug. The Vice President hugged a lot that day, hugged a lot of people who didn’t know they were going to be hugged (I, for one, initiated it as much as I received it), touched a lot of shoulders while being photographed. This is a difficult topic for a white male to talk about, as we’re not usually the ones whose space is invaded, not usually the ones harassed, not usually the ones overwhelmed be the choreography of powerful men; so I will tell you what I saw: Nobody in Tulsa that afternoon, male or female, was groped, visibly shaken, or disturbed by Biden. There were hugs, shoulder and arm grasps, a physical closeness. Period. Biden, if he runs for president, should probably dial back his physicality, for it’s a new world and his are old ways. If he runs, there are many reasons not to support Biden in 2020. This issue isn’t one of them.)

The Monday before Vice President Joe Biden came to Tulsa, Michael Whelan, who is now with the DNC Finance Committee, sent me an Instant Message, asking if I wanted to attend as his guest.
A large white awning, placed by the Secret Service, covers the entrance on 6th, between Main and Boulder. Inside, on the check-in table, different colored wrist bands: multicolor and purple, maybe one more—white, I think — for VIPs, people admitted on the rope line.

I get no wrist band.

The Penthouse at the Summit Club is as it should be. Mahogany table tops, servers with perfect hair, windows with perfect views, rooms with perfect bars and perfect food.

I see Michael.

“I can’t thank you enough for this.”

“Some day, and that day may never come, I’ll call upon you to do a service for me.”

Be my friend, Godfather.

Behind the podium and lectern, where the vice president will speak, three American flags.

The event is to start at 2; it is 1:45.

“Barry,” Michael asks a little after 2, “can Carol borrow your phone so she can record my introduction?”

“Sure.”

“Better still, you do it.”

“Okay.”

“Let Barry in,” Michael tells the security guy by the rope line. I am let in.

Moments later, Michael bounds to the stage.

He talks of the vice president, not just as a great man, but a good man — Uncle Joe, he reminds us. “This is a big … deal,” Michael says, gently mocking the time Biden told President Obama (after ACA was approved): “This is a big f***ing deal.”

The vice president, we’re told, will be here soon.

I decide not to move. I am on the rope line, a place I shouldn’t be. I am behind two women, in front of two others.

At 3 p.m., I get a text from my girlfriend. “His plane just landed.”

“I have to get back to work,” I hear one of the women behind me say.

Another half hour passes. I need a Diet Coke, a bathroom, Tylenol.

“Would you hold …?”

“Yes,” the woman behind me says.

I return minutes later. More people now. I maneuver my way back behind the same two women.

I think about loosening my tie. I don’t.

People, who have paid big money to see the vice president, come out from behind the curtain to the left of the podium, take seats. He is in the building.

Former Mayor Taylor comes to the podium, talks about Democrats, the party, the energy in the room.

He appears.

Thinner than you think, but the smile is all Biden — broad, white, perfect teeth — almost too many of them. He speaks from notes he doesn’t need, makes jokes he’s made a million times, gently criticizes Bernie Sanders for demonizing billionaires, and talks of his family, including Beau, his latest dead child. He sees an infant in the audience, says to her, pointing at her, “I promise you”—and here his voice is softer; he is now talking about cancer, “in five years, we’ll have something. If not a cure, then manageable.” Beau died of cancer back in June. Biden’s first wife, Neilia, and their child, Naomi, were killed in a car crash in 1972, a month after winning his first senate victory. Naomi was 13 months old. Biden said at the time, he knew by the ring of his phone something was wrong. “You just know.”

A cellphone goes off.

The vice president takes the mic out of the stand, leaves the lectern, hops down. He addresses those to his left, veterans in wheelchairs. “These people,” he says, pointing to everyone else, “will see more technological advancement in the next five years than we’ve seen our whole lives.” He loses his place once or twice, but it doesn’t matter, for he knows more than he’s forgotten. He is comfortable being Joe Biden. His gray hair combed back, the bald spot pronounced. The suit looks like it came off the rack. He comes back to his father, uncle, mother. He impersonates them; the accent is the same, regardless of gender. It’s Western Pennsylvania. He’s proud of it, proud of them. For reasons not entirely clear, I start thinking about Mario Cuomo, but not the 1984 speech at the Democratic Convention, pushing back against Ronald Reagan’s Shining City Upon a Hill, but the one in 1982, at his first gubernatorial inauguration, when he talked about the nation and his father, an Italian immigrant from Queens with calloused hands, and a fallen tree in the Cuomo front yard.

“Dad, he said, “the tree’s dead, forget it. ‘Shut up,’ the father said, ‘We plant, she’s gonna grow.’”

It grew.

And in Albany that day, legislators cried.

“The Chinese premier asked me once,” says Biden, “to describe America in one word. I told him: ‘Possibilities.’”

And then he looks again at all the babies in the room.

He apologizes for going long.

“Thank you. God bless you.”

Applause.

He then jumps down off the podium, again, and moves to his right. The Secret Service swarms.

“Hands out of your pockets, please,” one agent says to me, tapping me on the shoulder.

“If he comes this way,” I say to the women in front of me, “I’m reaching between you.”

They laugh.

He poses for more pictures. His smile lights up on cue, a smile that’s rehearsed, but not disingenuous. He holds some of those babies.

He is now five people from me.

I need to say something, ask something. Don’t be a fanboy, don’t mumble.

Three people … two.

He is in front of me. Inexplicably, the women move aside. I hand someone in his detail my phone.
“You know,” I say, shaking his hand, “you’re better than Mario Cuomo at this, at what America meant to that generation, to that promise.”

“Cuomo was very good,” he says, smiling.

“Yeah, but you hit another chord.”

“Thanks.”

“I have to ask you,” I say—because I, too, know about the sound of that phone call—“about fathers and sons.”

Yes, this is what I want to know.

“Go ‘head.”

“I lost a son, too, and I saw you on Colbert, talking about loss and being president and it killed me, so would you give it up — give it all back, the vice presidency, all of it — to see your children again?”
The smile is gone. He stops pumping my hand, but doesn’t let go of it. He closes it in his and pulls them both to his chest. His eyes well up.

“In a heartbeat. Just to see them one more time. Yes.” And he says it again. “Yes. How’d your son die?”

“Drugs.”

He shakes his head, closes his eyes.

I don’t know how to characterize this next moment without exploiting it, ruining it, but the vice president of the United States, this 72-year-old man—this great, good man—blindsided by memory and life and a stupid question and too many untimely funerals, is crying. His hands are now grabbing my forearms. Joe Biden, in this moment, is not a man with 10 Oklahoma Highway Patrol motorcycles, three Tulsa Police Department cruisers, seven black sport utility vehicles, two vans, two ambulances and a Jeep waiting for him downstairs on a closed 6th Street. He is a father of dead children and holding on.

I can see people watching him, watching us, waiting for him. He needs to keep moving.

I hug him; he hugs me.

A look. A nod.

“Take care.”

“You, too.”

And he is gone.

The vice president of the United States, Joseph R. Biden, has a rope line to work. The smile slowly comes back.

Barry Friedman is a comedian in Tulsa, Okla., and blogs at . A version of this appeared at the Tulsa Voice in December 2015. 

From The Progressive Populist, May 15, 2019

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Editorial: Let the Chips Fall

Robert Mueller finally produced his book, detailing in 448 pages the at-best skeevy behavior of Donald Trump and his apparatchiks during the 2016 campaign, followed by the outrageous conduct as Trump apparently tried to cover up the misbehavior after the election. But the findings of the special counsel won’t have maximum impact on the electorate until Democrats produce the movie, which will require public hearings in the House that lay out how Mueller reached his conclusions.

Despite warnings, mainly from conservative pundits, that impeachment hearings could blow back on the Democrats, we don’t see a downside to holding Trump to account for his misbehavior, and the bad actions of his entourage. Indeed, it is the House’s duty.

We certainly can’t count on Attorney General Bill Barr doing his duty, after his April 18 press conference before the report was released, in which Barr spouted talking points that could have been drawn up by Trump. He gave Trump a half hour to proclaim “total exoneration” before the Mueller report came out with the damning details of a 22-month investigation that produced 199 criminal charges, 37 indictments or guilty pleas and five prison sentences, as of this writing. Mueller also referred cases to US attorneys’ offices in New York, Virginia and Washington, D.C., as well as state investigators in New York and Maryland, but Mueller stopped just short of criminal indictments of the Great Misleader.

Among other things, Barr stressed that Mueller did not find evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. Trump seized that point to tweet “Game Over,” despite the fact that Mueller, as Barr knew, had not considered “collusion,” since he was looking for evidence of “conspiracy,” which is the applicable criminal offense.

Barr excused Trump’s actions that might look like obstruction of justice, saying, “There is substantial evidence to show that the President was frustrated and angered by a sincere belief that the investigation was undermining his presidency, propelled by his political opponents, and fueled by illegal leaks. Nonetheless, the White House fully cooperated with the Special Counsel’s investigation.”

Barr also said Mueller was “not saying that, but for the [Office of Legal Counsel] opinion, he would have found a crime. He made it clear that he had not made the determination that there was a crime.”

The redacted report itself, however, provides an entirely different explanation of why Mueller didn’t make a prosecution decision.

Mueller concluded that he could not seek indictments in 10 cases that looked like obstruction of justice, because he was, technically, an attorney of the Justice Department, which has a policy, drawn up during the Watergate era, that a sitting president couldn’t be indicted. But Mueller also concluded he couldn’t clear Trump of obstructing justice, based on the evidence they uncovered.

“If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state,” Mueller wrote. “Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, we are unable to reach that judgment.”
That’s hardly a vote of confidence in Trump’s character.

Mueller also concluded that Congress’s proper function in this situation was to exercise its powers under our constitutional system of checks and balances to make sure that no person is above the law. “We concluded that Congress has authority to prohibit a President’s corrupt use of his authority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice,” Mueller wrote.

Mueller also explained why this is constitutionally proper. “Congress can permissibly criminalize certain obstructive conduct by the President, such as suborning perjury, intimidating witnesses, or fabricating evidence, because those prohibitions raise no separation-of-powers questions.”
That is where congressional hearings are warranted. Republicans have a considerable capacity for denial, but televised hearings on the details of Trump’s obstructive conduct should make Trump’s high crimes and misdemeanors increasingly obvious.

For example, Congress should take its own look at the meeting Donald Trump Jr., Jared Kushner and Trump’s campaign manager, Paul Manafort, held with Russians who were said to be linked to Vladimir Putin’s government — even if they weren’t technically on the payroll — after Don Jr. was promised “dirt” on Hillary Clinton, in addition to a discussion on “Russian adoptions.”

Amanda Marcotte of Salon believes “Russian adoptions,” which the Trump camp claims was the reason for the meeting, was a code phrase for sanctions relief for Russian oligarchs. Marcotte noted that Trump literally went out in public in the summer of 2016 and asked Russian hackers to attack Hillary Clinton’s email servers, which they immediately did. “We also know that Trump has routinely lied about what he knew about the extent of Russian interference, since he was briefed on it in August 2016 and has repeatedly pretended he was not,” Marcotte noted.

Another reason to hold hearings is to give Republicans a chance to defend their vote to impeach Bill Clinton in 1998 on a charge that he lied about a legal, consensual act with an adult, when they now insist that Trump shouldn’t face any repercussions for trying to stop the FBI from investigating his links to Russia and his then-national security adviser Michael Flynn’s lies to the FBI about activities during the transition period. Then, after Trump fired FBI Director James Comey, he tried to prevent Mueller’s appointment as special counsel. After that, he tried to get then-attorney general Jeff Sessions to fire Mueller, despite Sessions’ recusal. Trump continued to try to curtail the investigation; he tried to prevent public disclosure of evidence; he tried to cover up his attempts to fire Mueller; he tried to limit the cooperation of witnesses, including Flynn, Manafort and others; and he turned from praise of his former attorney, Michael Cohen, to castigation after Cohen started cooperating with prosecutors.

Some Democrats think they’d be better off running against Trump in 2020 instead of removing him from office and running against Mike Pence. Democrats probably will still get to run against the Great Misleader, because Republicans are scared witless by Trump’s base who are ready to “primary” any Republican who strays from the self-righteous path. The odds against Democrats finding 20 Republican senators who will rediscover patriotism in the next year and a half to remove Trump are pretty remote.

But Democrats should do what they can to expose the rot in the Trump Administration, which has taken over the Grand Oligarch Party. Democrats shouldn’t fear the roars from Trump, who “won” the election in the Electoral College with a minority of the popular vote and has never tried to win over those who voted against him. He’s also never had a national approval rating average higher than 47.8%, in the week after his inauguration, in polls compiled by FiveThirtyEight.com. As of April 23, his approval rating was 41.4% while 53.5% disapproved. That’s during a healthy economy and it’s not a position of strength for the GOP.

Let Republicans defend Trump’s perfidy — and thank goodness he wasn’t an effective obstructer. Democrats can promote expanding health coverage, enacting a Green New Deal to save the climate while increasing jobs in renewable energy and protecting small farms, and replacing Trump’s budget-busting tax breaks for billionaires and corporations with a return to the progressive income tax code, which carried the US through its greatest economic boom in the 1950s and ’60s, when millionaires and corporations paid their fair share of the expenses of providing for defense, promoting general welfare and securing the blessings of liberty. — JMC



From The Progressive Populist, May 15, 2019

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Selections from the May 15, 2019 issue

COVER/Daniel Marans and Jonathan Cohn
Bernie Sanders welcomes war with insurance industry over Medicare for All


EDITORIAL
Let the chips fall


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 

DON ROLLINS
Coal towns, their past and present


RURAL ROUTES/Margot McMillen
Kick a bully if it’s Monsanto


DISPATCHES
Trump lawsuit to block congressional oversight reads like his tweets;
Modest projections about NAFTA 2.0 economic gains makes passage unlikely;
Social Security trust fund will reach zero in 2035, trustees say;
Earth Day founder thinks we're close to political breakthrough on climate;
Warren student debt cancellation plan helps most vulnerable;
Trump unpopularity spreads to battleground states;
Trump and Pence tweeted about Notre Dame fire but ignord 3 black churches burned in Louisiana;
Global economy could save $160 trillion by shifting to renewables;
Sen. Richard Burr leaked Trump-linked targets of FBI probe to White House


JIM GOODMAN
Don’t fall for the hype of free trade agreements


JOHN YOUNG
‘Stick it to them’ policies that have stuck

JILL RICHARDSON
Why is going green so hard? Because our system isn’t


SETH SANDRONSKY
Extinction rebellion


ART CULLEN
Beto has some beef, plus star power


BARRY FRIEDMAN
Me and Joe on the line


HEALTH CARE/Joan Retsinas 
A president hog-wild about pork


SAM URETSKY
House call program brings dentistry to seniors who don’t have their own foundation


MIKE KUHLENBECK
Nothing to smile about: The inequality gap in dental care


WAYNE O’LEARY
Single-payer and its enemies


JOHN BUELL
Democracy vs the bipartisan consensus


GENE NICHOL
N.C.’s continuing crusade against democracy


BOOK REVIEW/Heather Seggel 
Pleasure principles


ROB PATTERSON
Bingeing blue


SATIRE/Rosie Sorenson 
Orange you glad he’s our president?


FILM REVIEW/Ed Rampell 
Much ado about little


KELLY MARTIN
How the White House spent Earth Day


TODD LARSEN
The planetary cost of Amazon’s convenience

Monday, April 22, 2019

One big reason for Dems to overcome their fears & pursue impeachment of Trump: it’s their constitutional responsibility & the right thing to do

By Marc Jampole

The Democrats who don’t want to impeach Donald Trump at this point are afraid of their own shadows. Or maybe the shadows of their big funders.

They say they fear that the move would backfire—as it seems to have done when the House impeached Bill Clinton in 1999 and Slick Willie’s popularity soared.

But the Clinton case is much different from the current situation. Most of the country didn’t really care one way or another about what Clinton had done in his private life. People at the time understood that Clinton was not a corrupt individual, nor was he running a corrupt enterprise. Many people thought it was nobody’s business what two people did with each other behind closed doors. It had no bearing on U.S. security or the ability of Clinton to serve as president. Many people even forgave Clinton his one instance of law-breaking: lying under oath about having had sexual relations with Monica Lewinsky. They thought as I did at the time—and still do—that lying was inherent in adultery. It’s virtually as impossible to have an affair without lying as it is to get a homerun and not touch first base. Besides, a consensual relationship with an adult is a far cry from Trump’s history of illegality and unethical behavior. Lying about an affair is definitely not the same as breaking campaign finance laws; trying to impede an investigation; manipulating the value of assets up to get a bigger loan  and down to avoid taxes; or not reporting it to the FBI when a foreign adversary offers you help to get elected.

Instead of the Clinton case, Democrats should look at the impeachment of Andrew Johnson and the almost-impeachment of Richard Nixon for historical precedents. Like Trump, they were both truly guilty of “high crimes and misdemeanors.” Johnson endangered American law by impeding reconstruction of the south as a bastion of democracy for all. While there were no political polls in the 1860s, everything we read of the period suggests highly that Johnson’s popularity went down after his impeachment and near-conviction by the Senate. Besides the Watergate burglary and cover-up, Nixon had bombed Cambodia illegally and gone way too far in investigating his perceived domestic enemies. We know Nixon lost the country, because that’s why the GOP finally ended its resistance to impeachment and conviction, and ultimately why Tricky Dick short-circuited the constitutional process for removing a president and resigned. Thus the two times presidents deserved impeachment, the impeachment process did not help their popularity.

Let’s also keep in mind—only a little facetiously—that no president who has faced impeachment was ever elected to the office again. Facetiously because in both Nixon and Clinton’s case, the impeachment proceedings began during his second term, a fact that goes to the heart of the Democrat’s cravenness in not immediately initiating impeachment proceedings. They figure that the people will vote Trump out of office in 2020, and if they don’t then they’ll think about taking care of business.

Others suggest that until the Republicans are on board with convicting in the Senate, impeachment is a waste of time. That argument assumes falsely that impeachment is in of itself a little less than a hand slap.

But as the always perceptive Charles Blow points out in the New York Times, “an impeachment vote in the House has to this point been the strongest rebuke America is willing to give a president.” Blow and others argue—and I agree—that impeachment without conviction is nonetheless a severe punishment.

Blow also reminds us that Trump’s approval rating has never vacillated widely the way other modern presidents have. He has stayed in a narrow channel of around 40% no matter what he says or does or others say or do about him. There is therefore not much of a chance that his popularity will soar after an impeachment and non-conviction.

It is true that the several investigations of Trump recently opened by the House will likely reveal more and remind us of many Trump’s wrong doings—illegal or merely despicable. The idea of waiting until the evidence builds up seems prudent until you peruse the Mueller Report and realize that there is already enough to impeach Trump multiple times. The impeachment hearings will allow the House, and maybe the entire country, to see most of the documents being requested in these various committee hearings. One way or another, Trump’s taxes are coming out! So why wait? No need for them to appear before impeachment hearings begin, since they can emerge as part of those hearings.

There is one overarching reason for the House to pursue impeachment. It’s their job and the right thing to do.

As usual, Elizabeth Warren expressed it best, in her tweet advocating the House begin impeachment proceedings: The Mueller Report lays out facts showing that a hostile foreign government attacked our 2016 election to help Donald Trump and Donald Trump welcomed that help. Once elected, Donald Trump obstructed the investigation into that attack. Mueller put the next step in the hands of Congress: “Congress has authority to prohibit a President's corrupt use of his authority in order to protect the integrity of the administration of justice.” The correct process for exercising that authority is impeachment.

The Democrats seem to risk little by starting the ball rolling on impeachment. And the reward will be that they did their jobs under the Constitution of the United States.