Wednesday, June 26, 2019

The new speak of economic name calling: Times reporter calls government ownership “capitalism” & McConnell says granting Puerto Rico statehood is “socialism”

By Marc Jampole

The problem with the news media talking about socialism in the context of the current election cycle is that most people—including most reporters and columnists—have no idea what socialism is and only a fuzzy notion of what capitalism is. What’s worse is that popular but inaccurate or misconceived definitions of the two words confuse the issue. A reporter may use the technical definitions of socialism and capitalism in an article, but her readers understand one of the several non-technical meanings of the two words, and may therefore not get the point of the article. It is more likely, however, that the reporter is misusing the words. Too often these words serve as mirrors—reflecting to the viewer whatever the viewer already thinks.
Two particularly absurd recent examples of people who influence our thinking not understanding or pretending not to understand what socialism is come from the New York Times and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.   
In an article titled “An Austerity Workaround for U.K. Cities: Going Into Business,” Times reporter Peter S. Goodman details how a few local governments in the United Kingdom have addressed the devastating crisis in local government services caused by the extreme austerity program of the national government led by the Conservative Party. Towns such as Preston and Ashford are going into business or investing in real estate. In other words, these local governments are owning and managing the means of production, which is the classic definition of socialism. And yet, here is what Goodman writes: “Other communities have doubled down on capitalism…” The bolding and italics are mine, to make sure no one misses the sheer stupidity of saying that a government setting up a business is capitalism. The entire point of capitalism is putting ownership of the means of production into the hands of private citizens.  Take the definition of capitalism supplied by Merriam Webster’s” “An economic system characterized by private or corporate ownership of capital goods, by investments that are determined by private decision, and by prices, production, and the distribution of goods that are determined mainly by competition in a free market.” 
On the surface, the easiest explanation for Goodman’s ridiculous statement is that he confused the “means of production” with “the free market.” He neglects the primary technical definition of socialism—government ownership of the means of production—and replaces it implicitly with a definition that most conservative thinkers would endorse—“interference of government into the free market.” There are two problems with this explanation. First and more significant for a discussion of socialism versus capitalism in the United States is the fact that no free market has ever existed without a large number of constraints imposed by government. Conservatives call unions, minimum wage laws, environmental and safety regulations and consumer finance standards “socialist,” but do not apply the same label to regulations that support the fossil fuel and banking industries. Moreover, no one ever thinks of labelling as socialist the standardization of weights and measures, engineering standards for buildings and equipment, laws enforcing contracts, the building of free roads and inexpensive sewer systems, the placement of airports and mass transit stops, laws against slavery and indentured servitude, and hundreds of other business customs backed by law. These standards and laws control how the free market operates much more than the issues about which politicians typically fight. So if you include government control of the market as an aspect of defining socialism, then all economies in all epochs have been socialist—the question is how much or how little, and, as the Latins used to say, cui bono: who benefits from the socialist acts? 
This confusion of definitions should still not lead to the conclusion that a government that goes into business is engaged in a capitalist activity. Since it involves government control over production and distribution, what is happening in Preston and Ashford is full-fledged, red-as-blood socialism. 
For illumination on why Goodman would make such a goof and his editor miss it, we need to turn to Mitch McConnell’s appalling misuse of “socialism” in his well-reported statement that granting statehood to Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia would be “full bore socialism on the march.” His reasoning in that the two states would likely send four Democratic senators to Washington, which would be bad for the GOP agenda. 
In other words, socialism = bad and capitalism = good. I believe that since World War II, these value judgments serve as the commonly understood definition of the two words when used by politicians of both parties, the mainstream media and the rightwing propaganda media that developed after President Ronald Reagan dropped the Fairness Doctrine. (The Fairness Doctrine forced broadcast outlets to present both sides of any issue and thus prevented the emergence of the one-sided coverage now presented by Fox News, Sinclair Broadcasting and others.)
While the demonization of socialism started almost from the day that workers organized the first American labor union in the mid-19th century, it became de rigor for the mainstream news media and all Republicans and Democrats during the fifty odd years that we considered the Soviet Union as our enemy. Practically everyone in the American market of ideas in the 1950’s, 60’s, 70’s and 80’s equated communism with socialism. Soviet style communism is an extreme form of ownership of the means of production by an unelected government run by an oligarchy organized into a political party. The Cold War made us ignore the democratic and more attractive socialist and mixed economy models (which McConnell and company would call socialist) that exist throughout Scandinavia and Western Europe. 
The idea that socialism = bad and capitalism = good stands behind McConnell’s wild statement that granting statehood to DC and PR would be an act of socialism. It stands behind Louisiana Republican Representative’s statement that “socialism will be the prevailing theme of the 2020 election” and Iowa Republic Senator Joni Ernst’s assertion that the people of the Hawkeye State should send her back to the Senate to ”stamp out socialism.”
None of them are talking about government ownership of the means of production, except when it comes to their desire to end public schools and the Veterans’ Administration healthcare system. They are talking primarily about government intervention into the economy that constrains businesses from doing whatever they damn please or about government efforts to redistribute the added value produced from the economy. Currently, an overwhelmingly large share of added value goes to the superrich, with the merely rich and the upper reaches of the middle class getting some scraps off the table. 
Right-wing politicians also use “socialism” as part of their complicated but easy-to-understand racial code language—helping minorities is another act of “socialism.” They don’t care whether something actually is socialist or not. They use the word “socialist” as if it were a bad curse that a little child screams at an adversary on the playground.
Through years of misuse and confusion, the media and politicians—donkeys and elephants—have pretty much established the idea that socialism is always bad. The problem is that a majority of citizens like virtually all of what Republicans call the socialist agenda. Survey after survey shows that Americans want universal healthcare of some sorts. They want to raise the minimum wage. They want the government to act aggressively to address the problems caused by human-made global warming. They would like to raise taxes on the wealthy. They want to reign in the banks and large corporations with regulations that protect consumers. 
According to a recent study, 43% of Americans embrace some form of “socialism.” I’m fairly certain that this large group doesn’t really know what socialism entails, but have heard right-wingers refer to so many government programs they like as socialist that they believe that they themselves have become socialists, or fellow travelers.  
As the election heats up, expect more and more Republicans to employ “socialism” as a curse word. And while it may work with some older and uneducated voters, younger voters, minorities and educated folk living in urban areas are less likely to fall for the name-calling than in former generations. When they hear “socialism” applied to universal healthcare or infrastructure programs, they are not going to care, and may even realize that the term as used by the GOP translates into nothing more or less than “bad,” “dirty,” “un-American” or “evil,” just a cheap invective with no real meaning.

Thursday, June 20, 2019

We know Trump is shoveling BS when he tries to justify a war with Iran. As usual, the real reason for the war is to help military contractors

By Marc Jampole

What is the real reason that the United States may initiate a war with Iran?

Yes, we know the BS that Trump, Bolton, Pompeo, the Saudis and the Netanyahu government have been slinging in the news media. Accusations of tanker bombings and other acts of terrorism, all backed by as many facts as supported Lyndon Johnson’s version of what happened in the Gulf of Tonkin. Backed by as many facts as substantiated why Bush II gave for the U.S. 2003 invasion of Iraq—weapons of mass destruction and support of Al Qaida. In other words, nothing but lies and false assumptions.

We now know that LBJ felt himself in a bind—he did not want to be the first American president to “lose” a war, even a war that his experts had already decided was unwinnable.

We may never know why Bush II wanted to go to war in Iraq, but my best guess is that the war was a product of the desire of military contractors to make more money. It’s likely that the past 16 years have given these contractors a taste of the largess of perpetual war and that they are pushing for a conflagration with Iran. A hot war has always lined the pockets of armament makers and suppliers of all kinds of materiel, e.g., blankets, batteries, food rations, boots, backpacks, and other gear. The Iraq War added armed soldiers to the list of goods that private contractors provide. Let me substitute a few words in that last sentence to give the full nuance: The Iraq War added mercenaries to the list of goods political cronies could mark up exorbitantly and sell to the military, despite the lessons of American history that mercenaries lose wars (see the American Revolution).

In Trump, military contractors have a cat’s-paw easy to manipulate. Trump has all the traits a military contractor wants: 1. A lack of empathy with any perceived enemy, which translates to a willingness to inflict pain and suffering on innocent bystanders, especially those not of European background. 2. An emotional need to always project power and never appear wrong, a basic flaw of American foreign policy since the time of Teddy Roosevelt and Elihu Root, only elevated to a psychopathic extreme by Trump.
3. A losing hand in the next presidential election, which history strongly suggests would quickly change to a popular mandate merely by declaring war and sending troops to fight on foreign lands.

The profit motive behind waging perpetual war makes more sense to me than other explanations, such as the nefarious influence of Saudi Arabia, which sees Iran as its regional rival. While it is clear that our decision to aggressively support the Saudis in the Middle East has contributed much to our bad relations with Iran, selling out the United States to achieve a Saudi objective would not occur to Trump. He is only interested in selling out his country of residence for his own selfish interests. Thus, unless the Saudi princes have been bolstering the finances of Trump, the Trump organization and the Trump family to the degree that they make all the real decisions, I don’t see Trumpty-Dumpty going to war to help them out.

I also reject the influence of the Netanyahu government as a deciding factor. True enough, Netanyahu pretty much needs perpetual war for very much the same reasons as Trump does: to sidetrack the citizenry from his corruption and incompetence and to satisfy the voracious appetite of Israel’s (and the U.S.’s) military contracting industry. But Israel is more of a client state than even Saudi Arabia is. We funnel billions a year into the Israeli economy and military. If anything, the decision-making flows from the United States to Israel, and not the other way around.

Certainly the idea that war with Iran would be necessary and justified because of Iran’s acts of hostility towards the United States is complete nonsense. It was Trump who walked away from the Iran Nuclear agreement. Since then, Trump has been adding more sanctions on Iran, which has hurt the Iranian economy and its people. No one in their right mind should want Iran to have nuclear weapons, just as no one in their right mind should want the United States, Russia, France, Great Britain or any of the other 195 odd countries of Earth to have a nuclear capability. It is disappointing that Iran has started producing nuclear fuel again, but what do you expect them to do in light of the shredded agreement? Developing weapons is one of the few trump cards Iran can play in negotiations to drop economic sanctions against it.  Iran, however, has pledged not to fight a war, and really why would they want to? They have seen what war did to Iraq and Afghanistan. Iran is an inherently rich country with lots of natural resources beyond oil, an educated population and a fairly large middle class. Their leadership has not and is not going to commit any aggressive act of war against the United States or Saudi Arabia.

My conclusion: The most logical reason for instigating a full-scale war with Iran must be to continue to support the business objectives of military contractors.

I fear that we are in the age of perpetual warfare.

Saturday, June 15, 2019

Editorial: Trump’s Twitter Trade Wars

Donald Trump has brought attention to trade issues, but, as we feared, he has given tariffs a bad name by waging trade wars via Twitter, mainly to distract from his problems elsewhere.

The trouble goes back to his March 2, 2018, tweet, a day after he announced steep tariffs on imports of steel and aluminum, when he blithely stated, “When a country (USA) is losing many billions of dollars on trade with virtually every country it does business with, trade wars are good, and easy to win. Example, when we are down $100 billion with a certain country and they get cute, don’t trade anymore — we win big. It’s easy!”

In announcing the tariffs of 25% for foreign-made steel and 10% for aluminum, Trump didn’t distinguish between American allies among industrialized nations, such as Canada, Mexico and the European Union, and nations that are known to dump steel into the US market, such as China, Brazil, South Korea, Russia and Vietnam. Many of the nations subjected to Trump’s tariffs responded by putting tariffs on American goods, including agricultural products.

In May, Trump raised an existing 10% tax on many Chinese imports to 25% when talks that were supposed to de-escalate the trade war collapsed. China responded by raising its own tariffs on many American imports, including agricultural products. That has pushed many farmers into financial peril who have come to depend on the Chinese market. Then Trump started talking about taxing an even wider range of Chinese products (and insisting China would pay the tariffs, ignoring the fact that American consumers would pay the tariffs).

Global finance leaders meeting in Japan in early June said they were increasingly worried that the trade dispute between the US and China, which shows no signs of abating, could propel the world economy into a crisis, the New York Times reported June 9.

It doesn’t help that Trump is known to act impulsively, he exaggerates and lies, and he has a reputation for reneging on deals. For example, on May 30 he threatened to place tariffs on Mexican products if Mexico didn’t agree to stop Central American migrants from getting to the US southern border. Never mind that those arbitrary tariffs would violate the spirit of the North American Free Trade Agreement rewrite that Trump’s negotiators had reached with Mexico and Canada last year.

Trump appeared to back down on the Mexico tariffs June 7, after Republican officials and business leaders in border and battleground states that do business with Mexican industry complained that imposing tariffs on Mexican goods — taxes that would be paid by American businesses and consumers — would harm them. Trump abruptly announced that Mexico agreed to “deployment of its National Guard throughout Mexico, giving priority to its southern border.” But the Mexican government had already pledged to do that in March during secret talks in Miami between Kirstjen Nielsen, then the secretary of homeland security, and Olga Sanchez, the Mexican secretary of the interior, officials told the Times.

The centerpiece of Trump’s deal with Mexico was an expansion of a program to allow asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico while their legal cases proceed. But that arrangement was reached in December in a pair of painstakingly negotiated diplomatic notes that the two countries exchanged, the Times noted. Nielsen announced the Migrant Protection Protocols during a hearing of the House Judiciary Committee five days before Christmas.

Trump hailed the supposed “new deal” anyway on June 8, writing on Twitter: “Everyone very excited about the new deal with Mexico!” He thanked the president of Mexico for “working so long and hard” on a plan to reduce the surge of migration into the United States.

As Michael D. Shear and Maggie Haberman wrote in the Times (June 8), with a touch of journalistic diplomacy, “It was unclear whether Mr. Trump believed that the agreement truly represented new and broader concessions, or whether the president understood the limits of the deal but accepted it as a face-saving way to escape from the political and economic consequences of imposing tariffs on Mexico, which he began threatening less than two weeks ago.”

Trump also tweeted (all caps), “MEXICO HAS AGREED TO IMMEDIATELY BEGIN BUYING LARGE QUANTITIES OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCT FROM OUR GREAT PATRIOT FARMERS!” There apparently is no such deal, but the New York Times’ Paul Krugman noted, “For what it’s worth, my guess is that Trump vaguely remembered the terms of an abortive trade deal with China, which he claimed included a commitment by China to buy five million tons of US soybeans. If my guess is right, Trump is confusing Mexico with China, and has forgotten that talks with China have broken down. Not a good look for the man with his finger on the nuclear button, but whatever.”
On June 10, stung by reports over the weekend that his “deal” with Mexico contained nothing new, Trump said the US is working on a second deal with Mexico to curb migration to the US. If the Mexican government fails to sign on, Trump warned, new tariffs will be imposed on Mexico. But according to Mexico, this second deal doesn’t exist either.

Trump’s reckless behavior on trade policy isn’t good for American workers, businesses or farmers, but Democrats would be unwise to return to a “free trade” attitude, whose excesses made Trump’s con sound appealing to Rust Belt workers who were concerned by the constant flow of manufacturing jobs out of the United States.

Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, which has been promoting a progressive rewrite of NAFTA, said the replacement pact that Trump sent to Congress falls short. The revised text in the fall of 2018 revealed some improvements that progressives have long demanded, such as a rollback of Investor-State Dispute Settlement. “But NAFTA 2.0 also includes unacceptable new powers for pharmaceutical firms to keep medicine prices high. And critically, more work is needed to strengthen labor and environmental standards and ensure their swift and certain enforcement.”

The AFL-CIO labor federation was more blunt: “The new NAFTA is another corporate handout. It won’t stem the outsourcing of good jobs or protect the rights of working people. Tell Congress the new NAFTA isn’t good enough and to refuse to vote on it.”

Sen. Elizabeth Warren on June 4 unveiled a progressive Plan for Economic Patriotism that would put national resources, such as government spending on research and development, tax subsidies and export incentives behind emerging industries, while making sure the nation’s workers get the resulting jobs.

Warren said American wages have remained flat and jobs have moved overseas since the 1980s, in part, because “America chose to prioritize the interests of capital over the interests of American workers.”

“The truth is that Washington policies  —  not unstoppable market forces  —  are a key driver of the problems American workers face. From our trade agreements to our tax code, we have encouraged companies to invest abroad, ship jobs overseas, and keep wages low. All in the interest of serving multinational companies and international capital with no particular loyalty to the United States.

“In my administration, we will stop making excuses. We will pursue aggressive new government policies to support American workers.”

Tariffs would remain an option for Warren, but she said, “our principal goal should be investing in American workers rather than diminishing our competitors.” — JMC


From The Progressive Populist, July 1-15, 2019

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Copyright © 2019 The Progressive PopulistPO Box 819, Manchaca TX 78652

Selections from the July 1-15, 2019 issue

COVER/Art Cullen
Anxious farmers search for rainbow amid floods and trade war


EDITORIAL
Trump’s Twitter trade wars


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 

DON ROLLINS
Eating as an act of protest


HEALTH CARE/Margot McMillen
Hog confinements change neighborhoods


DISPATCHES
Support for impeachment rises with GOP Rep. Justin Amash;
Trump lags in battleground states;
Iowa Poll points to Dem top tier;
Supreme Court will hear attack on anti-discrimination law;
Kushner co. got $90M from anonymous offshore investors;
Trump pushes 20 years in prison for pipeline protesters;
Texas keeps low ranking in maternal health:
Arctic death spiral speeds up sixfold, driving coastal permafrost collapse;
ICE has no idea how many veterans it has deported, watchdog report finds;
Abortion ban poised to take effect in Alabama, where rapists can sue for custody;
Trump-voting truckers turn on prez after their taxes jump $8,000 ...


BEN LILLISTON
Taking farmers for a ride


CHRISTY SPEES
If we want antibiotics to work, consumers have to put pressure on factory farms


JILL RICHARDSON
Celebrating Pride, mindfully


JOHN YOUNG
Crime of the century and its beneficiary


GRASSROOTS/Hank Kalet
Democrats need to reclaim immigration narrative


BOB BURNETT
Trump’s road to Armageddon


JASON SIBERT
Negative nationalism sells guns


PAUL CIENFUEGOS
When will politicians start exercising their constitutional authority to rein in large corporations like Amazon?


GENE NICHOL
Look, mom, we built a border wall!


PETER CERTO
A Father’s Day gift for myself: activism


MARK ANDERSON
Do not ask for whom the road tolls


HEALTH CARE/Joan Retsinas
Micro points of light: distracted driving in the states


SAM URETSKY
We need a scale on ‘soft sciences’


SETH SANDRONSKY
Business and Medicare for All


WAYNE O’LEARY
Getting Bernie


JOHN BUELL
Neoliberalism and privatization are driving our crises, from Guatemala to Moscow


JOEL D. JOSEPH
National service and college loans


ROB PATTERSON
Sam Cooke’s wonderful voice survives


SATIRE/Rosie Sorenson
Meet your new leaders: FATGM


FILM REVIEW/Ed Rampell
Terry Gilliam’s quixotic quest: Mancha ado about...?

and more ...

Thursday, June 6, 2019

Trump decision to cancel refugee children’s soccer & school follows the centuries-old American tradition of cruelty to non-Europeans in the frontier & at the border

By Marc Jampole

Under the leadership of Donald Trump, the Republican Party has graduated from pursuing Ronald Reagan’s politics of selfishness to pursuing the politics of cruelty.

How else to explain this week’s decision by the administration to cancel English classes, recreational programs and legal aid for unaccompanied minors staying in federal migrant shelters?
The excuse for not educating or providing recreation to these innocent victims of violence and environmental upheaval—to which the United States had made a major contribution—is that the influx of immigrants at our southern border has created critical budget pressures. According to U.S. Health and Human Services (HHS) PR flack Mark Weber, to save money the Office of Refugee Resettlement has stopped funding programs “not directly necessary for the protection of life and safety, including education services, legal services, and recreation.” Sounds as if Trump is using these innocent victims as a bargaining chip with Congress. I wonder if he ever thought of torturing his own children as part of a negotiation?
So what are these kids going to do all day except hang around being hungry and bored? A recipe for getting into trouble, to be sure. And how can they ever hope to navigate our complicated immigration laws and system and reunite with their parents without any legal help?

Nothing short of an audit by Bernie Sanders supporters would convince me that the HHS is so broke that it has to deprive children of recreation, education and hope.  I think it’s not a bargaining chip, just an excuse for ratcheting up the meanness. Those of us who have followed the revelation about Trump’s personal finances understand that he and his cronies are masters of changing what budget numbers say. Remember Trump’s the guy who told the IRS that his assets were worth little to avoid paying taxes at the same time he was pumping up their value to get bank loans.

There are no doubt other places in the border budget that Trump could save money; for example, spending no more than the amount that most experts recommend is appropriate for walls or wall prototypes. That number, BTW, happens to be zero, since most immigration and security professionals have concluded the wall is a stupid idea.

Based on an analysis of other moves that the Trump Administration and the GOP have made recently, I think we can safely assume that the prime motivating factor in ending soccer and school for refugee children is cruelty. It is purposely cruel, as if Trump and his crew want not just to win, but to make it hurt the “enemy” so badly that everyone knows who is boss. They haven’t stopped to think that 12- and 15-year olds are never the enemy and never deserve purposely cruel treatment.

Separating children from their families is an act of cruelty. Criminalizing abortion and making a woman carry a rapist’s baby to full term is cruel. Putting the “Dreamers” into a legal limbo is cruel. Ending special programs to protect refugees from Haiti and El Salvador is cruel. Cutting humanitarian aid to Central American countries is cruel. Proposing cuts to food stamps, Medicaid, Medicare and Social Security is cruel. Then there’s the especially twisted notion of assessing tariffs on Mexican and Chinese products, which will end up hurting the poor and middle class, as prices for virtually everything will go up when companies pass the cost of the tariffs to consumers. The twist of course is that the tariff money collected will make up some of the enormous deficit the GOP created by giving the ultra-wealthy one of the largest tax breaks in history at a time when their taxes were already historically low.

It’s easy to say that when Trump is frustrated, the first thing he does is look for someone to take it out on, and that the more pain he manages to cause, the happier this sick pup becomes.

But blaming the character of Trump alone would ignore the long U.S. history of cruel treatment of people whom white males considered to be inferior to Europeans and of those they encountered at their ever west-moving frontier. British army commander Jeffrey Amherst knowingly gave smallpox-infected blankets to Native American tribes during the Seven Years War, hoping an epidemic of the disease would wipe out whole communities. Cruelty to blacks characterizes the entire history of slavery and post-Reconstruction in the United States. Whether dealing with Native Americans or with supporters of democracy in the Philippines after the Spanish-American War, American soldiers (and pioneers) employed rape, pillage, mass murder and displacement as their main tactics. It was if Europeans could only demonstrate their inherent superiority to other ethnic groups by treating these lesser beings as animals.

Historian Greg Grandin’s The End of the Myth provides an easy-to-read if hard-to-stomach spectacle of U.S. official and unofficial cruelty to non-Europeans at America’s borders over the past 250 years. Grandin’s two premises are shaky: He avers that the U.S. is the only nation defined by its relationship to its frontier, which ignores the histories of China and Russia (and if one studies the medieval Ottonian dynasty, Germany, too). He also asserts that Trump was able to emerge because of societal anxiety now that the frontier is gone and our borders are closed, which fails to take into account Grandin’s own discussion of Andrew Johnson, the prototype of Trumpism; the strain of Jacksonian racism that still infects U.S. foreign policy; or Grandin’s mini-history of border vigilantism. No matter, the book’s detail makes it worth reading. Two other great books on American frontier cruelty—but  heavy reading slogs—are Richard Slotkin’s seminal Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier (1973) and The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization (1985).

The important takeaway from these books for this conversation is the detailed accounts of how, when faced with both humanistic and cruel ways to deal with the peoples encountered on its frontiers, the American way was virtually always to select cruelty. Blaming victims, of course, is always easier and less expensive than trying to help them. For example, the contemporary GOP program—from Reagan onwards—uses victim blaming as a justification for cutting programs that help our poor, elderly and disadvantaged. A supposed inferiority justified the cruel treatment of slaves. It justified Bush II’s creation of our torture program. And it’s instrumental in justifying the inhumane and illegal treatment of refugees and other immigrants at our borders.

Trump’s views resonate with the 20-25% of the population that is white and feels threatened by the demographic shifts in this country that favor groups they deem inferior. We don’t know, but we can assume that many ICE employees and government officials agree with Trump’s cruel approach, something that Grandin suggests. Trump’s administration is not the first time America has pursued an overtly racist program—Andrew Jackson and most of the presidents between him and Lincoln pursued racist domestic and foreign policies; Woodrow Wilson re-segregated the federal government and let the Klu Klux Klan run wild.

No, Trump does not represent an inflection point. Yes, Trump is a monster, but not an especially original one. He continues a long American tradition of racism and racial cruelty, especially to non-European immigrants, refugees and combatants.

Wednesday, May 29, 2019

Mathematical models for everything from marketing to perusing resumes are making inequality & discrimination against the poor & minorities worse

By Marc Jampole

Cathy O’Neil’s Weapons of Math Destruction doesn’t break new ground in its discussion of how computer algorithms discriminate against the poor, minorities and women, making them pay more for loans, shutting them out of jobs, and disrupting their work schedules. Just about everything she writes about we’ve seen in the pages of major newspapers and serious magazines.   

But O’Neil puts it all together in language we can understand and with the rigor of a mathematician who has actually delved into the various assumptions and computations hidden within the digital black boxes that companies use to sort resumes, banks use to give loans, employers use to schedule employees and virtually every consumer company uses to target customers with products and services.

O’Neil does not advocate doing away with all the mathematical models that permeate contemporary American society, only those that threaten our social fabric because of hidden prejudices built into the algorithm or those that purposely exploit or deceive people.

Take the development of U.S. News Report’s top college rankings, which over the past thirty years has engendered a “keep up with the Joneses” competition among status seeking parents, while dramatically changing how universities approach their own development and improvement, pandering to the rating instead of the educational mission of the institution. It has also created a new industry of college selection advisors to help rich and middle class parents get their children into the highest-ranking schools. O’Neil reports that the original mathematical model used as its measures of success those variables in which the schools thought to be traditionally the best had excelled, such as contributions by alumni. Their selection of what to measure not only favored Harvard, Yale, Princeton, Stanford and the other universities already entrenched at the top of the pecking order, it also led to such obvious distortions as small liberal arts colleges for the wealthy achieving a higher rating than state universities with far-ranging research capabilities and an economically diverse student base such as Washington, Texas, Wisconsin, North Carolina and the University of California Berkeley and Los Angeles campuses.

It’s amazing that one misshapen computer model could do so much damage. But O’Neil analyses a number of such monstrosities, such as the biased models by which school districts evaluate teachers, banks decide which financial services to offer and how to price them, employers analyze resumes without looking at them to decide whom to hire and political campaigns select which messages to send to individual voters. O’Neil calls these models “Weapons of Math Destruction,” or WMD, both clever and accurate.

Many of the problems caused by WMD stem from substituting a simple measurement for a complicated situation, for example when teacher evaluation models substitute test scores for in-class performance to measure teachers’ competence or employment models use credit scores to determine a potential employee’s stability. Another major problem is that many of the models have as their sole purpose the maximizing of profit, regardless of what that means to customers or employees, such as job scheduling models that make employees work split shifts, add or cancel their work hours before the shift begins, and prevent their total hours from exceeding the minimums for receiving benefits. The employer makes more money, while financially strapped employees have to deal with juggling childcare, medical appointments and other aspects of daily life. Then there are the models that instantaneously analyze your Internet browsing history as soon as you get on the website of a financial institution, telling the institution whether to offer you a high or low rate on loans and insurance, based on your “risk.” High risk in this case serves as a euphemism for poor and often, minority.
An anecdote O’Neil tells near the end of the book is particularly scary because it reflects the anti-science, anti-fact bias shared by many corporations and politicians. Despite years of work as a successful mathematician in the private sector, in 2013 O’Neil took an unpaid internship in New York City’s Departments of Housing and Human Service. She was interested in building mathematical models that help, not hurt society. The issue was homelessness. Her team looked over masses of data to figure out what factors led people into homeless shelters and what factors led them to leave and stay out for good.  One of her colleagues discovered that one group of homeless families left shelters never to return—those who obtained vouchers for housing under a federal housing program called Section 8.

Ooopsy! As it turns out, then NY Mayor Michael Bloomberg, the data king who had made billions of dollars supplying the financial industry with information, didn’t like Section 8 vouchers and had instituted a highly publicized new program called Advantage, which limited Section 8 subsidies to three years. As O’Neil writes, “The ideas was that the looming expiration of benefits would push poor people to make more money and pay their own way.” Yeah, right—they’d finally stop working as a fast food cashier and take a job as a Wall Street lawyer! Of course with rents booming in the Big Apple, the opposite was happening: people lost their vouchers after three years and ended up in homeless shelters.

The Bloomberg administration did not welcome the researcher’s finding and evidently ignored it in future planning. What the Bloomberg Administration wanted to believe literally trumped (pun intended!) what the facts were suggesting: that the cure for homelessness was not unfettered capitalism but providing a helping hand. Ignoring what the research proved corrupted Bloomberg’s approach to reducing homelessness as much as the current Trump administration’s approach to the environment, government regulation, taxation and education is corrupted by its failure to follow the facts.  Corruption and manipulation lie at the heart of what caused institutions to create and apply WMDs.

I vividly remember an example of the corruption of ignoring facts I experienced when I worked for a large public relations agency in 1987. I returned from a Conference Board seminar with a study about the way corporations would employ agencies in the 1990s. The new approach to agency use would make it harder for agencies to make money and force them to engage in more competitions with not just other large agencies, but small boutique firms that specialized in one kind of PR. As soon as I completed my presentation to the staff of our office, our general manager got up and said I was wrong and outlined a rosy view based on no research whatsoever. Of course, the predictions presented at the Conference Board seminar turned out to be right on the money.

Thus, while we must beware weapons of math destruction and devise industry standards for both developing mathematical models and regulating their use, the greater problem is the age-old one best expressed in a quote often attributed to Mark Twain that Figures never lie, but liars figure.

Saturday, May 25, 2019

Editorial: Pro-Birth is Not Pro-Life

Say what you will about a woman’s right to choose, but many on the left — nominal supporters of abortion rights — overlooked the vacancy on the Supreme Court in 2016 when they argued about whether they would vote for “centrist” Hillary Clinton in the presidential election. Opponents of abortion kept their eye on the prize, however, and when the election approached, many church-affiliated, anti-choice voters didn’t let the amorality of the Republican presidential nominee get in the way as long as Donald Trump promised to name a judge to the Supreme Court who would vote to overturn Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that legalized abortion under the “right to privacy” that protects a woman’s freedom to choose an abortion at least until the fetus reaches viability, usually at 24 to 28 weeks.

In 2016, exit polls showed 56% of Trump voters said Supreme Court appointments were the most important factor in their support, while just 41% of Clinton supporters said the Court was the most important issue, Politico noted.

We doubt Trump, who used to support Planned Parenthood, has strong feelings about about abortion rights; his main concern seems to be finding Supreme Court justices who would back him up in his determination to cover up his high crimes and misdemeanors, but if naming anti-abortion judges was the price of the support of evangelical Christians, he was willing to go along. He promised Roe would be erased.

So the abortion foes made their deal with the devil and now they expect to claim their prize. Senate Republicans, led by Mitch McConnell, speeded up the process with new rules that let them ram polarizing Supreme Court appointments through on a simple majority vote, allowing the confirmation of Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, as well as 40 circuit court judges, on nearly party-line votes.

Now the right is pushing the extremes of anti-choice legislation. They have abandoned any pretense of concern about the welfare of mothers or their children. When the Alabama Senate approved a bill 25-6 May 14 to make it a felony for a doctor to perform an abortion — which Gov. Kay Ivey (R) signed into law — the only exception was in cases where the pregnancy carried a serious health risk to the woman. A proposed exception for pregnancies resulting from rape and incest was defeated 21-11. The state Senate also rejected, 23-6, an amendment that would have required the state to provide prenatal care and medical care for the mother and child in cases where a woman was denied an abortion because of the law. The Senate also rejected an amendment to expand Medicaid to cover working families, despite Alabama having the nation’s highest rate of cervical cancer deaths, and infant mortality rates are among the highest in the nation, while rural hospitals in the state continue to close. So don’t tell us this is a “pro-life” bill. It’s merely pro-forced-birth.

Similar bills have been passed in Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi and Ohio that ban abortion after six weeks of pregnancy and Missouri passed one that bans abortion after eight weeks. Two states, North Dakota in 2013 and Iowa in 2018, passed six-week bans that courts struck down, so they retreated to 22-week bans. Arkansas and Utah have voted to limit abortions to the middle of the second trimester, or about 18 weeks.

For what it’s worth, the public does not want a complete reversal of Roe v. Wade. A December 2016 survey by the Pew Research Center found that 28% of US adults said they would like to see the Supreme Court overturn Roe while 69% said they would not. More generally, in June 2017, 57% of US adults said abortion should be legal in all or most cases while 40% said it should be illegal in all or most cases. Public support for abortion rights has remained relatively steady in recent decades.

Americans’ views about abortion differ markedly by their political and religious affiliation and educational background, Pew noted. Three-quarters of Democrats, for example, believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, but around two-thirds of Republicans (65%) take the opposite view. Six-in-ten independents say abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

While 61% of white evangelical Protestants think abortion should be illegal in all or most cases, 67% of white mainline Protestants say abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Catholics are more divided, as 51% say abortion should be legal in all or most cases and 42% say it should be illegal.

As if the assault on choice wasn’t bad enough, the right-wing justices who can be counted on to dismantle the Roe decision also are very bad on other progressive and populist issues, such as worker and minority rights, regulation of businesses and environmental protection. Trump seems to leave it to the right-wing Federalist Society and the Heritage Foundation to come up with the names, and they have been working to veer the courts right for a generation.

In January 2010, the Supreme Court, in the Citizens United case, overturned laws dating back a century to rein in the corruption of politics by special-interest and corporate money. In June 2013, the Supreme Court, on a 5-4 vote in the Shelby County case, overturned an important provision of the Voting Rights Act that the Republican majority said was outdated, which effectively stopped the requirement that certain states and local governments obtain federal “preclearance” before they implement changes to their voting laws or practices. June 2018 the court upheld, 5-4 Ohio’s practice of purging voter rolls, which has become a favorite tactic of voter suppression.

Voters who consider themselves truly pro-life must commit themselves to working not only for successful pregnancies, but also parents’ rights to work for a fair income that provides for adequate food, clothing and housing; the right of every family to have a decent home; the right to health-care for parents and children, the right to child care if both parents are expected to work; educational opportunities for children; and the right to economic security in retirement. These ideas have been knocking around since Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed a Second Bill of Rights in January 1944.

If you can’t sign off on these rights, you’re merely pro-birth. And you aren’t impressing Jesus, by the way. He never mentioned abortion, but he had plenty to say about taking care of the hungry, the thirsty, the sick, the unclothed, the imprisoned and strangers — and if you consider yourself a Christian, you don’t want to be numbered amongst those who ignored these unfortunates. After all, Jesus was once a refugee who was unjustly executed. The Mammonite preachers who have backed Trump and Republicans, who insist on empowering plutocrats at the expense of working people, might not spend much time on what Jesus actually said, but you can check out what Jesus had to say about the Judgment of the Nations in the Gospel of Matthew, Chapter 25: 31-45.

At least, for Christ’s sake, if you believe in banning abortion, try to promote family planning first, as well as supporting candidates who otherwise support organized labor, voting rights, subsidized housing and nutritional assistance for working poor families, clean air and water, and health care for all so no family needs to fear cancer or other catastrophic medical condition will drive them into bankruptcy.

In any case, we don’t need Trump naming any more Supreme Court justices. Thus endeth the lesson. — JMC



From The Progressive Populist, June 15, 2019

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Selections from the June 15, 2019 issue

COVER/Marshall Auerback
US-China talks are about much more than trade


EDITORIAL
Pro-birth is not pro-life


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 

DON ROLLINS
Remembering Rachel Held Evans


RURAL ROUTES/Margot McMillen
We are direct drivers of extinction


DISPATCHES
‘Money laundering’ and ‘The President’;
Trump camp stands against Constitution;
Judge denies Trump’s bid to deny House his financial records;
Audits of rich people plummeted last year;
Trump’s in trouble in battleground states;
Brazilian meat barons got millions from Trump’s farmer bailout;
Wold 'not on track' to stop 1.5 degrees of global warming, UN Secretary General warns;
Gas car sales 'have already peaked and may never recover' as battery prices plunge;
Monsanto hit with $2B verdict in Roundup cancer suit


CHERIE MORTICE 
Farm country: Don’t get fooled again


ART CULLEN
Trump’s folly on trade


JILL RICHARDSON
Reminder: Climate change was no accident


JOHN YOUNG
A mysterious coverup that would make Richard Nixon blush


ALAN MACLEOD 
‘Purity tests’ can be a good thing


SARAH ANDERSON
The reality behind the ‘surging’ US economy


GRASSROOTS/Hank Kalet 
Fetuses are not children


JOEL D. JOSEPH
Arresting the attorney general


LEO GERARD
The PRO act as a pathway to power: An economy is only as healthy as its workers are empowered


SETH SANDRONSKY 
How citizenship matters


BOB BURNETT
Donald Trump and the measles epidemic


MARTHA BURK
The most dangerous time for women’s rights in decades


HEALTH CARE/Joan Retsinas 
The last journey: Who will pay?


SAM URETSKY
Trump puts hopes on tariffic trade war


GEORGE MILLER
For a Green New Deal that works, look to California


WAYNE O’LEARY
The Trump international


JOHN BUELL
On negotiating with Trump and his allies


JASON SIBERT
Military spending is worth fighting for


BOOK REVIEW/Heather Seggel 
Escaping garbage island


ROB PATTERSON
News and infotainment sources


SATIRE/Rosie Sorenson 
Trumpus redactus


FILM REVIEW/Ed Rampell 
What about Confederate movie monuments — like ‘Gone with the Wind’?


HECTOR FIGUEROA and BEN BEACHY
Save the planet — with good union jobs


and more ...