Friday, March 29, 2019

Feel-good story of homeless 8-year-old chess champ should make us feel ashamed that other homeless children won’t get the opportunities now open to him

By Marc Jampole

A homeless eight-year-old refugee from Nigeria wins the New York State Chess Championship in the K-3 division. Within weeks, the publicity that Tanitoluwa Adewumi receives, primarily through the New York Time’s Nicholas Kristof, leads to the boy getting a home, a six-figure bank account, scholarship offers from three private schools and an invitation to meet with former President Bill Clinton.
What a wonderful story of deserving talent being rewarded! How heart-warming to see this very smart young man get some breaks in what has been until now a perilous life! Only in America, land of opportunity. All you need is hard work and perseverance.
At least that’s all you need if you’re Tani, as he is mostly called. But for most other homeless children, eight years of age is not when things start getting easier. Tani left behind thousands of school-aged children without homes, many of whom have one or both parents who work but don’t make enough money to afford permanent lodging.
Right-wingers can point to Tani and say that those with extraordinary talent have the best chance to do something with it in the United States. These knee-jerk flag-saluters and liars ignore statistics showing there is less economic and social mobility in the United States today than in virtually every other western country, and far less than we had 40, 50, 60 and 70 years ago. More to the point, virtually every society in all ages has found ways to identify and reward the very talented. From ancient China’s system of examinations to the rise of meritocracy-based civil service bureaucracies in European nation states to academic scholarships in the 20th and 21st centuries, ruling elites have never had a problem locating the geniuses and the great athletes, and then helping them get to a point that they can contribute to society.
But what about everyone else?
While Tani is to be praised and honored, we should also examine how lucky he has been. Lucky to be born with great mathematical talent and an inborn competitive edge, as both are needed to win at chess at any level.
Lucky to go to a school that had a chess program in a city and state that care about the game.  
Lucky not to be born in the first half of the 19th century, when he would arrive in the United States not as a homeless refuge required to attend school, but as a slave.
Lucky to excel at an endeavor in which an eight-year-old can have the success of an adult. In a few years, he’ll have competition from a lot of kids whose families can afford chess lessons with grand masters, chess camps and other kinds of enrichments like foreign travel that help children learn to think. By the age of 12, there may be 25 children across the country with the same kind of talent Tani has who come from wealthy families and practice three hours a day or more. With more kids playing and more kids serious in the future, Tani might have already had his best chance to win a major tournament. Or maybe he’ll become a chess professional. Hikaru Nakamura, one of the 10 highest rated chess players in the world had about the same rating as Tani at about the same age. Of course, Hikaru was studying chess three hours a day by the time he was ten.
But even if Tani never wins another chess tournament, his early achievement has identified him as a very special talent, and American society will now help him.
But kids like Tani are really few and far between. True talent, of the Tani or LeBron level, while distributed evenly among large populations (be they defined nationally, racially, by sex or by economic class), is nevertheless rare.  It’s not the Tani’s of the world who get screwed when wealthy parents put their kids through test prep after test prep, hire consultants and use their money to cheat or bully their children into highly rated colleges. It’s the average kids, and especially the above average but not brilliant kids of limited means who get screwed. And the screwing starts early, as wealthier parents are able to give their children the type of enrichment that most other parents can’t afford, unless they live in a large city with lots of free cultural opportunities. You know, the kind of stuff for which Republicans have spent the last 40 years slashing budgets, like libraries, music and drama programs, free lessons after school
Let’s face it. We love our little darlings and think they are all little geniuses. But most people are pretty average in ability and potential. Luckily, our economy produces a wide range of jobs that require every possible talent at every level. What we don’t do is value everyone or value every job. Our current society produces CEOs who make hundreds of millions of dollars no matter how the company performs, while millions of people have to live on a minimum wage that has remained stagnant for so many years that it’s buying power has been eroded to the point that in not one state in the country can someone afford a home on minimum wages. Meanwhile, many million more have seen no raise or even a shrinking of income when you adjust for inflation.
Imagine a world in which the range of salaries and wealth was much less than today, a world in which the cost of tuition at state universities was in the hundreds of dollars, a world in which a relatively high level of unionization insured that both union and non-union jobs paid middle class wages, a world in which high rates of marginal income tax (marginal meaning you only pay the rate for income above a certain amount, not your entire income) financed the building of roads and bridges, cheap public education, robust research and development and other government programs that create a level playing field and equalize the rewards of the winners and losers.
That world existed for the most part from 1940-1975 or so. It was not a perfect world, as minorities, women and the disabled did not have the opportunities that white males had in the workplace. Some would call it ironic that the era in which American society created a more level playing field for minorities and women was the very period in which the playing field became tilted in favor of the rich and the rewards became to be distributed in a less fair manner. Of course, many, including myself, wouldn’t call the simultaneous emergence of these two trends a coincidence.  Those interested in returning society to the Gilded Age of extremes in rich and poor in which selfishness reigned used the real plague of racism and the phony threat of job and status loss to the “other” to convince large numbers of both poorly and well educated voters to support candidates who created the conditions for today’s growing inequality by lowering taxes on the wealthy and cutting government programs.
The story of Tanitoluwa Adewumi makes us feel good, but it should make us feel ashamed and guilty, because it reminds us by virtue of being human everyone deserves the basics of an affordable home, a quality education, lifelong healthcare and a secure retirement. We shouldn’t judge a society on how well its talented do, but on how well the average and under-average do. We’re all people, whether we can figure out checkmates or have trouble adding two-digit numbers.

Editorial: Show Mueller’s Work

William Barr did what he was hired to do. The new attorney general shut down Robert Mueller’s investigation into the relationship of Donald Trump and the Russians, and Barr declared that the president cannot be indicted for conspiracy or his efforts to obstruct justice.

Trump claimed Barr’s letter summarizing Mueller’s findings amounted to “total exoneration,” when it did no such thing. Barr specifically quoted Mueller saying that one of his principal findings was that the report “does not exonerate him.”

Mueller apparently did not find enough evidence of conspiracy to warrant an indictment (Barr didn’t use the word “collusion” in his four-page letter summing up Mueller’s 22-month investigation) but Mueller found some of the obvious signs that Trump tried to obstruct the investigation. Indeed, Mueller reportedly created a substantial record of the president’s troubling interactions with law enforcement. Barr’s letter only contains the top-line findings. It does not include any of the evidence or legal analysis that underlies those findings, which the full Mueller report would contain.

It is widely believed that Barr got the job of attorney general because he had ruled out charging a president with obstruction. In a June 2018 memo, shared with Trump’s lawyer before his nomination, Barr argued that the theory of obstruction he believed Special Counsel Robert Mueller to be adopting was “fatally misconceived.”

Barr has a history of undermining investigations of Republican presidents. In 1992, when he was then-President George H.W. Bush’s attorney general, Barr advised Bush to pardon all those who had been involved in the Iran-Contra scandal, which threatened to implicate Bush and former President Ronald Reagan in arranging secret sales of arms to Iran in exchange for American hostages in the early 1980s. After the Christmas Eve 1992 pardons, Independent Counsel Lawrence E. Walsh, who headed the investigation of Reagan Administration officials’ criminal conduct in the Iran-Conra scandal from 1986 to 1992, stated that “the Iran-Contra cover-up, which has continued for more than six years, has now been completed.” Walsh noted that in issuing the pardons Bush appeared to have preempted being implicated by evidence that was to come to light during the pending trial of former Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger.

With the new Barr letter apparently putting Trump in the clear, at least temporaarily, Trump was intent on vengeance, and said “the other side” might be made to pay. “Hopefully, somebody is going to look at the other side. This was an illegal takedown that failed. And hopefully, somebody is going to be looking at the other side.”

It’s hard to see how Mueller avoided finding conspiracy and/or obstruction in a probe that already has taken down Trump’s former campaign manager, deputy campaign manager, personal attorney, national-security adviser, and longtime political adviser. We know Russians offered to help the Trump campaign, and Don Trump Jr., Jared Kushner and then-campaign chairman Paul Manafort met in the Trump Tower in June 2016 with Russian government associates offering “dirt” on Hillary Clinton. We know Trump invited Russians to find Hillary’s missing emails. We know Paul Manafort shared Trump campaign polling data with Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian linked to Moscow’s intelligence agencies. We know Jared Kushner sought to use secure Russian diplomatic lines to communicate with the Kremlin. And Trump has a long history of lying, filing false reports and business dealings with Russian mobsters and oligarchs. Also, Trump resisted answering questions from Mueller, and Trump’s lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, suggested Trump might use the Fifth Amendment to avoid incriminating himself. Of course, that is his right. But we have the right to know if the president did plead the Fifth, which Trump has said in other cases would be an admission of guilt.

Meanwhile, federal prosecutors in the Southern District of New York continue their investigation of campaign finance violations, including hush money paid to porn star Stormy Daniels and Playboy model Karen McDougal to keep the women quiet about their sexual affairs with Trump. His former personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, already pleaded guilty last year to campaign finance violations related to the $130,000 payoff to Daniels and Cohen told investigators and Congress that he made the payment on Trump’s orders. The Trump Organization’s former chief financial officer, Allen Weisselberg, has also been cooperating with the SDNY since last August, leading to speculation that he could implicate Trump in future indictments.

Federal investigators also are probing Trump’s inauguration committee for potentially committing illegal acts such as fraud, conspiracy, money laundering and a host other crimes. The inauguration raised an unprecedented $107 million dollars with little to show for it and spent exorbitant amounts on expenses such as makeup and rooms in the Trump International Hotel. Prosecutors subpoenaed the inaugural committee in February for documents on how it spent the money, seeking a wide range of materials, including records of payments to the Trump International Hotel or Trump Organization.

The subpoena indicates investigators are looking for a wide range of possible crimes. It’s likely that the SDNY, which issued the subpoena, will take the lead in the probe. Much like the other inquiries into Trump’s operations and inner circle, there’s no immediate end in sight for the investigation.

The House Judiciary Committee should continue its wide-ranging corruption probe into Trump’s involvement in any campaign finance violations, obstructions of justice or abuses of power such as misuse of pardons. It should also demand that the Justice Department account for evidence of criminal conspiracy between Trump and Russia, as well as efforts to cover up any potential conspiracy.

Leading the investigation is House Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler, an attorney and congressman from New York. The White House and many Trump allies appear to be stonewalling Nadler’s document requests, however, and only eight of 81 requests for documents were returned by the deadline. Nadler expects that more individuals will eventually comply, but the White House has already rejected requests for certain materials, such as those related to Trump’s meetings and phone calls with Russian President Vladimir Putin, and they can expect the White House to try to stonewall any more scrutiny, crying that it is a partisan inquiry.

New York’s state attorney general is looking into Trump’s dealings with Deutsche Bank, including whether he inflated the value of his property during his failed 2014 attempt to buy the Buffalo Bills football team. The attorney general’s office reportedly has subpoenaed Deutsche Bank and Investors Bank for records related to the Bills deal, as well as other Trump Organization plans. Deutsche Bank loaned Trump at least $2 billion over recent decades despite other banks cutting him off because of his financial instability.

At the very least, Barr must release the full Mueller report, including underlying documents, and agree to testify before the House Judiciary Committee to explain his decision not to prosecute.

Mueller’s punt on the Russia probe removes the pressure on House Democrats to pursue impeachment, since the prospects of getting 20 Senate Republicans to join Democrats in removing the Great Misleader are remote to the point of invisibility.

While we might be stuck with Trump for another two years, that should enhance Democrats’ chances for an electoral sweep in 2020. Make Republicans defend Trump’s pursuit of Moscow Gold as well as the GOP’s tax breaks for the billionaires, their plans to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, budget cuts to Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid and placing fossil fuel industrialists in charge of the nation’s environment and national parks. — JMC


From The Progressive Populist, April 15, 2019

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Thursday, March 28, 2019

Selections from the April 15, 2019 issue

COVER/Laura Paddison
US has a dire shortage of affordable homes, and Trump wants to make it worse


EDITORIAL
Show Mueller’s work


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

DON ROLLINS
Trump’s symbiotic relationship with big media


RURAL ROUTES/Margot McMillen
Strain on small colleges is another blow for rural America


DISPATCHES
Trump seeks revenge as Russia probe threat wanes;
Trump campaign warns networks against booking some Democrats;
Trump really can’t stand Puerto Rico;
Clean energy cheaper than coal;
Coal companies veto Trump nominee who opposed coal bailout;
Midwest flooding will cost billions in damages;
Trump policies are destroying the American farm and no one knows how to stop it;
DACA flight attendant released after 6 weeks in ICE custody ... 


BOB BURNETT
Trump and the economy


JOHN YOUNG
The payoffs almost no one talks about


JILL RICHARDSON
Politicians are finally catching up on marijuana


ELIZABETH HENDERSON
Organic farms are under attack from agribusiness, weakened standards


ART CULLEN
Rural America is ready for some sort of a new deal, preferably green


JOHN SARBANES and MICHAEL BRUNE
To clean up the planet, clean up Washington


GRASSROOTS/Hank Kalet
Transform the court


JOEL D. JOSEPH
The Trumps and Jared Kushner cheated their way into elite colleges


LEO GERARD
The big cheat


GENE NICHOL
Legacy preferences


BOOK REVIEW/Seth Sandronsky
Making a better world


BOOK REVIEW/Heather Seggel
Flag overboard


HEALTH CARE/Joan Retsinas
Yes we can fleece the customer


SAM URETSKY
Why is it urban liberals vs. rural conservatives


NORMAN SOLOMON
‘Speaking truth to power’ is no substitute for taking power


WAYNE O’LEARY
The left’s achilles heel


JOHN BUELL
Clear Jared Kushner — and the rest of us


KENT PATERSON
Mexican border workers rattle the NAFTA economy


ROB PATTERSON
Time for the left to start rallying too


ROB PATTERSON
Browse a bookstore while you can


FILM REVIEW/Ed Rampell
Citizen Pulitzer: Patron Saint of the oppressed


SATIRE/Rosie Sorenson
How many days would it take?


CHUCK COLLINS
Bring back Eisenhower socialism


Monday, March 25, 2019

Trump supporters and the GOP are building a house of cards on Attorney General William Barr’s four-page interpretation of the Mueller report

By Marc Jampole
We don’t have the Mueller report yet, but we do have the quick-and-dirty analysis of it
by an attorney general who got the job because of his previous strong public statement
against the idea of a special counsel and a long-held disposition to declare all
presidential actions as legal.
Trump supporters and other Republicans seem delighted in Barr’s version of the
conclusions, but they have built themselves a house of cards which tumbles as soon as
we look at the recent history of special counsel investigations.
First to the house of cards: Barr declares that there is insufficient evidence that the
Trump campaign explicitly asked Russian to swing the election to Trump. It’s true that
the events that have been made public such as the infamous Trump Tower meeting and
Trump’s public request that the Russians help find Hilary’s so-called missing emails
suggest that there’s a lot of smoke. But the standard for finding fire when it comes to
Republicans colluding with foreign entities to swing presidential elections is extremely
high. We know that South Vietnam’s reluctance to come to the negotiating table in 1968
helped Nixon win. We know that Iran not freeing the hostages in 1980 helped Reagan
win. And we know that Russian interference in the 2016 election helped Trump win. In
all cases, there is strong documentation that the representatives of the Republican
campaign in each case met with foreign entities. But in all cases, Congress and the
American people found that the idea of a major party colluding with a foreign power was
so horrific that the proof had to be absolutely incontrovertible—some would say a
standard too high ever to be met in the real world.
Trump actually gets off easier than Nixon or Reagan when it comes to considering a
possible collusion, because the idea that Trump was an unwitting stooge or a useful
idiot is just as believable as that he knowingly colluded. Russia may have conducted
their nefarious assault on U.S. elections because Putin and his advisors felt strongly
that a Trump presidency would weaken the United States. His history overflows with
examples of not only his stupidity and his willingness to break laws, but also of a vanity
that makes him brag about things that didn’t really happen. Then there’s his obvious
ignorance of law dictating how governments and political parties operate that may
excuse him. It’s thus believable that Trump did not collude/conspire.
However one wishes to interpret the smoke of collusion and conspiracy, Mueller found
no smoking gun. But reducing a 22-month investigation to that one sentence is a weak
foundation for what Trump supporters and other Republicans, including Barr, are saying
now. Their argument goes like this:
1. Mueller found no proof of collusion or conspiracy.
2. Collusion/conspiracy was the underlying crime.
3. Since there was no underlying crime, it was impossible for Trump to have obstructed
justice, even if there are strong indications that he obstructed the investigation.
Over the past few days, I have heard some version of this argument delivered by both
avid Trump supporters and other Republicans. The logical conclusion to this line of
thought, of course, is that all the emerging investigations of Trump should stop, or at
least those investigations related to collusion/conspiracy and obstruction.
But if we look back at the history of impeachment we have to conclude two important if
usually unspoken principles of American justice as applied to presidents:
1. Obstruction of an investigation equals obstruction of justice.
2. Obstruction of an investigation is not only an impeachable offense, it may be the
only offense for which a president can end up being impeached in the real world.
Let’s look at history: The articles of impeachment against Andrew Johnson had nothing
to do with obstruction of an investigation and Johnson was not impeached. The articles
of impeachment against Nixon focused exclusively on the Watergate cover-up (i.e.,
obstruction). Does anyone doubt that Nixon resigned because he knew he was certain
to be impeached by the Senate, and then convicted by the House of Representatives?
Not for green-lighting a third-rate burglary, but for leading the cover-up, i.e., for
obstruction. The articles of impeachment against Bill Clinton only mention obstruction of justice, for a simple reason. Kenneth Starr and his crew had spent years going through
Clinton’s past looking for both high crimes and misdemeanors and found nothing. Zilch.
A clean record. All Clinton did was lie about having a consensual affair with an adult
woman. Messing around on your wife is not illegal, meaning that Clinton was
impeached for obstruction of justice and not for any underlying crime.
The history of impeachment proceedings and politics therefore suggest that Trump
supporters and other Republicans are dead wrong to suggest that Trump can’t be
charged with a cover-up because there was no underlying crime proven, or that the
cover-up isn’t impeachable because there was no crime. They have built a house of
cards that tumbles as soon as we remove the false foundation that a cover-up exists
only when we have proof of an underlying crime. The cover-up is in and of itself
impeachable, and as history has shown, perhaps the only crime that a president can
commit that will lead to impeachment.
Thus it comes down to how we interpret Mueller’s evidence, which Mueller himself
refused to do. So far, only William Barr and his staff have attempted to cull through the
hundreds of pages of Mueller’s analysis. Barr admits that there are signs of a cover-up,
but he has decided to give Trump the benefit of the doubt. Would Kenneth Starr have
made the same decision regarding Bill Clinton with the same basis of facts? What about
Leon Jaworski about Nixon? Or Jeff Sessions about Trump?
With all due respect to Barr, there is plenty of public evidence of obstruction. His conclusions represent the efforts of one man, one with a known predilection to having an extremely high bar of proof when it comes to presidential actions. Before we let Trump off the hook, we need others—many others—to look at the Mueller report and perhaps the raw data behind it, too. At this point, that’s the job of the House of Representatives. We can assume, thankfully, that its investigators take longer than 48 hours to do their analysis, and that they will take into account the history of impeachment proceedings in deciding whether to drop the obstruction issue.